Rural Zimbabwe: The Sleeping Giant of Our Economy

By Dr Last Mazambani

In the heat of Zaka, the rolling hills of Gokwe, the fertile valleys of Chimanimani, and the sun-baked plains of Nkayi, millions of Zimbabweans wake each day with hope, determination, and a simple dream: to make a better life for themselves and their families. These are the rural communities that make up more than 70% of our population, yet their stories of potential and perseverance are too often ignored.

Across 16.4 million hectares, almost half of Zimbabwe’s land, rural households struggle to survive on $70 to $116 a month. That adds up to a rural economy of $2–$3.5 billion, modest by global standards, but massive in untapped opportunity. Economic studies suggest that for every $1 invested in rural Zimbabwe, $2 to $7 could be returned. It is a chance for transformation that cannot be overlooked.

Life on the Edge of Potential

Walking through these communities, you see both the challenges and the promise. Smallholder farmers till the land with their bare hands. Mothers carry water for their families. Young people dream of jobs that don’t exist in their villages. Yet beneath the hardship is resilience, a readiness to innovate, adapt, and thrive if the right support arrives.

Rural Zimbabwe is more than subsistence farming. It is a laboratory of potential. From high-value crops and livestock to artisanal goods and renewable energy, the countryside has the ingredients to power national growth. What it lacks is infrastructure, technology, and access to markets.

Technology and Investment: A Path Forward

Imagine a farmer in Mutoko receiving real-time weather updates on his phone, knowing exactly when and where to sell his produce. Picture a schoolchild in Chipinge attending online classes from her village. Think of a cooperative in Tsholotsho selling handmade crafts across borders through e-commerce.

These are not distant dreams; they are achievable if investment, technology, and policy meet the ambition of rural communities. Roads, electricity, irrigation, digital connectivity, and knowledge transfer can turn marginal livelihoods into thriving local economies. Every dollar spent wisely has the potential to multiply economic returns several times over.

A Shared Responsibility

This transformation cannot happen through government action alone. It requires a partnership between local communities, NGOs, investors, and the diaspora. Urban Zimbabweans and those abroad can invest in their roots, not as charity, but as an opportunity. Development partners can provide technical expertise. And most importantly, the rural people themselves must be at the center of this growth story.

Rural Zimbabwe: From Forgotten to Frontline

For decades, rural Zimbabwe has been treated as a backdrop, a place of tradition, struggle, and survival. But the story is changing. These communities have the land, the labor, and the latent creativity to become engines of income, jobs, and economic resilience.

Of all the visions we hear today, this is the one that truly matters.

The promise is immense. The potential is undeniable. And the time to act is now. Rural Zimbabwe is not just part of our past; it could define the nation’s future. It could be the bridge to true economic inclusion, the missing link that connects rural potential to national prosperity.

It is time to wake the sleeping giant.

Bio:

Last Mazambani (PhD) is a transformational project management and change management professional in the public sector. His academic publications are on sustainability, financial inclusion, financial technology, and cryptocurrency. Click here to access his academic profile. Last can be contacted at lastmazambani@gmail.com.

Peasant Farmers: The Only Bedrock of Zimbabwe’s 2030 Middle-Income Vision

 By Dr Last Mazambani

Zimbabwe’s Vision 2030 lays out an ambitious roadmap of transforming the country into a middle-income economy within the next decade. It is a vision that speaks to a nation yearning for prosperity, better livelihoods, and equitable development. Yet, beneath the fanfare of policy documents and political speeches lies a glaring paradox: any middle-income aspiration that excludes the empowerment of peasant farmers, who constitute roughly 70% of Zimbabwe’s population, is an illusion. Without a strategic focus on communal agriculture, Vision 2030 risks becoming nothing more than sloganeering, hot air, and empty promises.

Why Communal Farmers Matter

Agriculture is the backbone of Zimbabwe’s economy. While commercial farmers, agribusinesses, and urban enterprises play their role, it is the peasant farmer—tilling small plots with rudimentary tools—who forms the heart of rural livelihoods. These communal farmers not only provide household sustenance but also contribute significantly to national food security. When rains are good and inputs are available, they produce maize, groundnuts, sorghum, and other staples that feed millions.

Yet, these farmers are often marginalized in national economic planning. Access to credit, modern farming technologies, irrigation facilities, and structured markets remains limited. They bear the brunt of climate shocks, endure exploitative middlemen, and often sell their produce at sub-economic prices. To dream of a middle-income economy while 70% of the population remains trapped in subsistence poverty is to chase a mirage.

Vision 2030: Ambition vs. Reality

The government’s blueprint aims to raise per capita income, industrialize the economy, and improve service delivery by 2030. Indicators of a middle-income economy include increased GDP per capita, reduced poverty, expanded infrastructure, and diversified exports. But economic progress cannot be built on a foundation of inequality.

If the bulk of the population is excluded from empowerment, the result will be a dual economy—urban centers may record growth, but rural communities will stagnate in chronic poverty. This inequality undermines national cohesion and ultimately drags down the country’s aggregate progress. Vision 2030 must be more than an elite project; it should be a collective mission. And that collective mission begins with the rural farmer.

The Missed Transformation: Agriculture Without Empowerment

Zimbabwe’s history offers lessons. In the 1980s, agricultural support programs such as credit schemes, extension services, and input subsidies helped boost smallholder productivity. The communal areas became engines of maize and cotton production. However, decades of economic decline, poor governance, and recurrent droughts eroded those gains. Today, smallholder farmers face the same struggles as their grandparents: lack of inputs, inadequate irrigation, poor market linkages, and weak rural infrastructure.

Meanwhile, Vision 2030 speeches emphasize industrialization, urban growth, and mega projects. While these are necessary, sidelining the rural majority is a strategic misstep. Without formidable work and dedicated resources targeting peasant agriculture, Vision 2030 will remain aspirational rather than transformational.

Key Areas for Action

To integrate communal farmers into the Vision 2030 journey, several interventions are critical:

1. Access to Inputs and Credit
   Farmers cannot plant without seeds, fertilizers, and chemicals. Current subsidy schemes are often not inclusive, inconsistent, or insufficient. Establishing transparent, inclusive input support programs linked to affordable rural credit will enable smallholders to farm productively and commercially.
2. Irrigation and Climate Resilience
   Rain-fed farming is increasingly unreliable due to climate change. Building small-scale irrigation schemes, rehabilitating dams, and introducing climate-smart agriculture techniques are essential. Empowering farmers with water security transforms subsistence plots into productive enterprises.
3. Infrastructure and Market Linkages
   Poor rural roads, lack of storage facilities, and limited access to markets force farmers to sell at low prices. Investment in rural infrastructure, such as roads, collection centers, agro-processing hubs, ensures farmers capture fair value for their produce.
4. Land Tenure and Security
   Many communal farmers operate under insecure land tenure arrangements that limit their ability to invest or use land as collateral. Clarifying land rights and ensuring secure tenure is key to unlocking agricultural productivity.
5. Education and Extension Services
   Knowledge is as critical as inputs. Modern extension services, digital platforms for farmer training, and youth engagement in agriculture will raise productivity and make farming attractive for future generations.
6. Value Addition and Agro-Industries
   For farmers to escape poverty, they must move beyond raw produce. Establishing local agro-processing industries ensures that crops are turned into higher-value products, creating jobs and boosting incomes.

The Cost of Exclusion

Ignoring the communal farmer is not merely unjust; it is economically unsound. A nation cannot expect to achieve middle-income status when the majority is excluded from wealth creation. Without addressing rural poverty, Zimbabwe risks widening inequality, fueling rural-urban migration, and perpetuating cycles of hunger and underdevelopment.

Moreover, political stability depends on inclusive growth. Marginalized rural populations become disillusioned, and disillusionment can translate into unrest or apathy. Vision 2030 cannot afford such fragility if it is to be a unifying national dream.

Building a Shared Vision

The rhetoric of middle-income status is powerful, but rhetoric must be matched by realism. Zimbabwe’s policymakers, development partners, and private sector actors must recognize that communal farmers are not passive recipients of aid but active economic agents. With the right support, they can drive food security, contribute to exports, and uplift rural incomes.

Vision 2030 should therefore not be about skyscrapers in Harare alone; it should be about improved harvests in Gokwe, reliable irrigation in Zaka, and thriving agro-businesses in Mutoko. A shared vision is one where rural prosperity is central, not peripheral.

Conclusion: From Slogan to Substance

The 2030 middle-income target risks becoming a missed mantra if peasant farmers remain disempowered. Vision 2030 cannot succeed on promises alone; it demands formidable work, deliberate policy focus, and dedicated resources. Empowering 70% of the population engaged in communal farming is not optional, it is the bedrock upon which genuine economic transformation rests.

If Zimbabwe is serious about becoming a middle-income economy by 2030, it must walk the talk. Anything less is simply hot air, empty promises, and slogans that history will judge harshly.

Bio:

Last Mazambani (PhD) is a transformational project management and change management professional in the public sector. His academic publications are on sustainability, financial inclusion, financial technology, and cryptocurrency. Click here to access his academic profile. Last can be contacted at lastmazambani@gmail.com.

The Presidential Horticulture Scheme Needs Village Players

By Dr Last Mazambani

The Presidential Horticulture Scheme, launched as a key component of Zimbabwe’s broader rural transformation strategy, is one of the most promising government interventions in recent years. It offers not just food and income security, but a pathway toward a truly diversified and resilient rural economy. Yet for it to fully realise its potential, the scheme must go beyond seedling distributions and address the real engines of sustainability — village-level infrastructure, local skills development, and inter-agency coordination.

At the core of the scheme lies a noble and visionary idea: empower households, especially those in rural and peri-urban communities, to grow fruit trees that can support nutrition, incomes, climate resilience, and long-term food sovereignty. However, a program of this scale and ambition must also recognize that success is rooted in local ownership, not just national coordination. It is time to bring in the village players — the unsung community champions, cooperatives, rural youth, and local institutions who will sustain this horticultural revolution beyond the lifespan of political cycles.

Beyond Distribution: A Culture of Cultivation

Currently, the government aims to distribute fruit trees to rural households, with targets set in the tens of millions. This is commendable, but tree planting is not an end in itself. What happens after the trees are delivered? Who nurtures them? Who replaces those lost to drought, pests, or neglect? Who imparts the knowledge needed to graft, prune, or irrigate?

To ensure that trees bear fruit — literally and economically — the program should aim higher. A goal of 100 fruit trees per rural household is not only feasible over time, it could be transformational. That kind of density would allow families to become producers, not just consumers, of high-value horticultural crops such as guava, avocado, mango, citrus, and macadamia.

Rural Nurseries: Anchors of Continuity

To achieve this, the establishment of rural-based plant nurseries is a must. These nurseries can be locally managed — by community groups, rural schools, or youth cooperatives — and should serve as knowledge hubs as well as sources of plant material. When communities are given the tools and training to propagate their own fruit trees, they gain self-reliance and ensure the program endures beyond central supply chains.

Zimbabwe already has a culture of agro-entrepreneurship at the village level. Tapping into this potential by offering technical training, start-up support, and market access can turn fruit tree cultivation into a thriving microenterprise sector.

Extension Services and Institutional Integration

Government agricultural extension officers must also be placed at the heart of this initiative. These frontline workers already interact with farmers on issues ranging from soil conservation to pest management. Equipping them with horticultural training and logistical support including mobility, inputs, and demonstration kits can dramatically increase uptake and survival rates of fruit trees.

Furthermore, institutional coordination is essential. The Forestry Commission, the Ministry of Agriculture, local authorities, NGOs, universities, and private agricultural colleges must work in sync. Their combined knowledge, reach, and networks can support every aspect of the program from selecting the right species for each agro-ecological zone, to setting up community grafting centres, to linking smallholders with export-ready markets.

Water Security: Small Dams for Big Impact

No horticultural initiative can succeed without reliable water. The government’s complementary efforts to invest in small dam construction and water harvesting systems should be directly aligned with the horticulture scheme. A well-sited micro-dam or community borehole, managed collectively and supported with basic irrigation infrastructure, can ensure the survival of trees during dry spells and allow for off-season cultivation of vegetables and herbs.

Such integrated infrastructure planning also unlocks secondary benefits such as fish farming, livestock watering, or even eco-tourism further boosting rural incomes.

Weather, Wealth and the Will to Grow

Zimbabwe enjoys one of the most favourable climates in Southern Africa for horticultural development. With diverse microclimates, rich soils, and abundant sunshine, many districts have ideal conditions to support a wide range of fruit species. What is needed now is a long-term vision that links natural advantages with structured policy and local capacity-building.

By sourcing seedlings, compost, and fencing materials from rural suppliers and cooperatives rather than relying solely on central procurement, the government can keep more value within communities. This would stimulate the emergence of a rural horticulture economy — one that generates jobs, nurtures generational wealth, and reduces dependency on food aid or remittances.

Information Access and Local Networks

Despite the scheme’s good intentions, many rural households still lack clear information on how to access support, what is being offered, and what is expected in return. A strong communication campaign — via radio, community meetings, mobile platforms, and traditional leadership — is essential to ensure transparency and boost participation.

Equally important is the creation of local implementation networks. These could include ward-level horticulture committees, led by local leaders and supported by extension officers and youth volunteers. Their role would be to monitor tree survival, coordinate training, identify local success stories, and ensure accountability in input distribution.

From Policy to Practice

For the Presidential Horticulture Scheme to succeed, it must not be treated as a short-term political deliverable, but as a long-term national strategy. It should be allowed to run in perpetuity, and evolve with time. Policies should not just focus on quantity — how many trees planted — but quality: how many trees survived, how much income was earned, how many young people entered horticulture as a career.

If we get this right, Zimbabwe could become a regional leader in community-based horticulture. Our villages could transform into green belts, our youth into agro-preneurs, and our economy into one rooted in sustainability and self-sufficiency.

Conclusion

The success of the Presidential Horticulture Scheme lies not just in the seedlings delivered but in the roots it plants in communities. It must be localized, institutionalized, and deeply embedded in rural life. With fruit trees, we are not just planting food — we are planting wealth, health, climate resilience, and hope.

Now is the time to empower village players — because without them, even the best policy risks bearing no fruit.

Bio:

Last Mazambani (PhD) is a transformational project management and change management professional in the public sector. His academic publications are on sustainability, financial inclusion, financial technology, and cryptocurrency. Click here to access his academic profile. Last can be contacted at lastmazambani@gmail.com.

Leveraging Reverse Rural Migration to Expand Inclusive Finance in Africa

 By Dr Last Mazambani

For too long, the narrative of African development has been single-minded, fixated on urbanization as the sole path to progress. Rural areas have been relegated to the background, seen as places people leave behind in pursuit of better opportunities. However, a powerful and transformative shift is now reshaping this story. A new wave of reverse rural migration is seeing a flow of people and resources from bustling urban centers back to their rural hometowns and secondary towns. This is not a retreat but a deliberate, strategic return that brings with it a fresh perspective and a powerful new engine for economic transformation. Triggered not just by urban pressures but also by a growing appreciation for rural life, this migration is repositioning human capital and financial resources into communities historically underserved by formal finance.

This new movement presents an unprecedented opportunity to build a truly inclusive and resilient financial system across the continent. Returning migrants bring more than just skills and savings; they bring an ability to create employment through new ventures and projects, connect local producers to wider markets, and cross-pollinate skills throughout the community. By acting as aggregators, they can link rural farmers to local and global markets, enhancing productivity and incomes. At the same time, they share knowledge and expertise that strengthen human capital, improving the capacity of rural economies to function efficiently and innovate. Successful ventures can also attract the interest of financial institutions, channeling investment into these communities and sparking further economic growth.

The New Rural Frontier: A Vision of Opportunity

Reverse rural migration is a multifaceted phenomenon. It includes permanent returnees who choose long-term rural residence, circular and seasonal movers who balance urban and rural work, and multi-sited households that maintain urban employment while living in rural areas. What makes this trend particularly potent is its scale, visibility, and the digital overlay that accompanies it. Returning migrants are not starting from scratch; they are already fluent in mobile money and fintech, creating fertile ground for digital financial services to take root.

The drivers behind this shift are a mix of push factors from the cities and powerful pull factors from the countryside. While rising urban costs for housing and food push people to seek more affordable living, the pull of rural areas is increasingly magnetic. There is a growing appreciation for the quality of life in rural communities, which often offer stronger social cohesion, kinship networks, and a sense of belonging. Public investments in infrastructure, like electrification and mobile network coverage, are making rural entrepreneurship more feasible than ever. Furthermore, the growth of remote work and digital platforms allows people to generate an income from anywhere with connectivity. As demand for agricultural products rises, farming and agri-processing are becoming more profitable, drawing a new generation of entrepreneurs back to the land.

Reshaping Financial Demand at the Grassroots

As people and capital flow back to rural areas, their financial needs become more sophisticated and dynamic. This presents a golden opportunity for financial service providers (FSPs) to innovate. Returning rural entrepreneurs create employment, drive income generation, and foster skill development that strengthens community resilience. Their ventures—if well-supported—can attract investment, enabling the rural ecosystem to thrive in ways previously unimaginable.

• Payments and Collections: There is strong demand for low-cost, interoperable, and even offline-capable options that work at local markets and farm gates. The seasonal nature of agriculture requires flexible systems, including temporary merchant activation and robust agent liquidity to handle peak transaction periods.
• Savings: People are seeking secure, goal-based accounts for essential expenses like school fees and farming inputs. Digital alternatives to traditional savings groups, like ROSCAs (Rotating Savings and Credit Associations) and VSLAs (Village Savings and Loan Associations), are gaining traction by providing a transparent and secure way for communities to manage funds.
• Credit: Access to working capital is a major need for rural micro and small enterprises (MSEs). Innovative solutions like buy-now-pay-later models and credit anchored to value chains can overcome challenges of thin data footprints and lack of formal collateral.
• Risk Transfer: Rural economies are particularly vulnerable to shocks. The demand for financial resilience is driving a need for solutions like weather-indexed insurance, health coverage, and livestock protection. Similarly, the intensification of remittances between urban and rural areas requires seamless, cross-network transfers with transparent fees and flexible identification requirements.

The Path Forward: Designing for a New Reality

While the opportunity is immense, significant constraints persist, including limited connectivity and weak identification systems. To overcome these barriers, financial institutions need a strategic playbook built on a few core design principles that embrace the new rural frontier:

• Human-Centered Design: A purely digital approach won't work. Onboarding and customer support often require a human touch. A hybrid model leveraging agents, merchants, and self-service channels is essential for building trust and providing hands-on support.
• Interoperability: To prevent customers from being locked into a single network, systems must be interoperable, allowing for seamless transfers across different mobile money providers and banks. This creates a more open and user-friendly ecosystem.
• Value-Chain Anchoring: Integrating financial services directly into agricultural and commercial value chains—for example, by using input vouchers and digital procurement—can create traceable transaction data that enables credit underwriting for small businesses and farmers. This connects financial products directly to productive activities.
• Climate Resilience: Financial products should also be climate-smart. Combining weather advisories with parametric insurance or offering green asset finance for things like solar pumps and energy-efficient tools can build financial resilience in the face of environmental shocks.

By embracing these principles and leveraging the skills, networks, and ventures of returning migrants, FSPs can move beyond simply offering basic services and create a truly inclusive financial ecosystem that empowers Africa’s new generation of rural innovators. The challenge is not just to provide financial access but to design services that are relevant, resilient, and responsive to the unique demands of a continent being reshaped by this quiet, yet powerful, reverse flow of people, skills, and capital. Investing in this transformation is not just a matter of good business—it’s a key to unlocking a more equitable and prosperous future for all of Africa.

Bio:

Last Mazambani (PhD) is a transformational project management and change management professional in the public sector. His academic publications are on sustainability, financial inclusion, financial technology, and cryptocurrency. Click here to access his academic profile. Last can be contacted at lastmazambani@gmail.com.

Build Inclusive Cities: A Pathway for Harare’s Vendors and Authorities

By Last Mazambani (PhD)

In the heart of Harare, under the scorching midday sun, the city’s lifeblood hums through the bustling streets. Vendors line the pavements, their tables adorned with tomatoes glowing red in the light, neat piles of vegetables, phone accessories, second-hand clothes, and the irresistible aroma of freshly roasted maize. For many, these stalls are not just businesses; they are survival. Each sale helps put food on the table, pays school fees, and keeps hope alive in an economy where formal jobs are scarce.

Yet, a looming storm threatens this delicate ecosystem. The city authorities have recently announced the banning of street vending in certain parts of Harare. Officially, it is a move to "restore order" and "decongest the city." Unofficially, it feels to many like a slow squeeze on their only means of survival.

It is not an exaggeration to say that vending is the heartbeat of Harare’s economy. The Zimbabwe National Budget is, to a large extent, fueled by informal sector activity—small transactions that add up to billions when combined. Vendors may not wear suits or work in office towers, but their trade oils the wheels of the economy. When this sector suffers, the ripple effects touch every part of the nation’s financial fabric.

A Warning from History
Those in power would do well to remember the lessons of history. The Arab Spring—a wave of protests and uprisings that swept across North Africa and the Middle East—was ignited by an act against a street vendor. Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian vendor, set himself alight after being harassed and humiliated by authorities. His death became a symbol of deep-seated frustration over economic hardship and heavy-handed governance.

The parallels are sobering. In a country with unemployment levels hovering above 80%, banning vending without offering alternatives is not merely an administrative decision—it is a political gamble. Hungry people do not remain silent for long. When livelihoods are threatened, tensions rise. The government could, inadvertently, “shoot itself in the foot” by alienating the very citizens whose resilience keeps the nation afloat.

Why Vending Matters
In Harare, vending is not a casual choice. It is the last hope for thousands. With industries shutting down or operating at minimal capacity, the formal job market cannot absorb the swelling population of job seekers. Every table of goods along the road represents a family’s determination to make ends meet. Beyond economics, vending fosters a culture of entrepreneurship and self-reliance—values that should be encouraged, not stifled.

The City’s Concerns
Of course, the city authorities are not without their reasons. Unregulated vending can lead to congestion on pavements, making it difficult for pedestrians to move freely. It can contribute to littering, and in some cases, block emergency access routes. There are legitimate concerns about hygiene, especially when fresh food is sold in the open without proper storage facilities.

These concerns, however, should not be met with outright bans. The question is not whether vending should exist, but how it can exist in a manner that benefits both vendors and the city.

Towards Amicable Solutions

1. Designated Vending Zones
   Instead of scattering vendors haphazardly along busy streets, the city could establish well-planned vending zones strategically located near transport hubs, markets, and high-footfall areas. These spaces could be equipped with shade structures, waste disposal facilities, and proper sanitation. Vendors would pay a small, affordable fee to maintain these facilities—creating a self-sustaining system.
2. Vendor Registration and ID Cards
   A simple registration system would help authorities keep track of vendors, prevent overcrowding, and ensure fair allocation of spaces. This would also protect vendors from arbitrary eviction and harassment. With proper IDs, vendors could access city-organized training on food safety, customer service, and financial management.
3. Public-Private Partnerships
   The city could partner with local businesses, banks, and NGOs to fund the development of modern vending infrastructure. In return, sponsors could advertise on stalls or contribute to community initiatives, creating a win-win arrangement.
4. Mobile Vending Licenses
   For those whose trade depends on mobility—like ice cream sellers or food carts—special mobile vending permits could be issued. These would allow vendors to operate within set routes and times, avoiding congestion in the busiest zones while still serving customers.
5. Digital Integration
   In an increasingly cashless economy, vendors could be supported in adopting mobile payment systems like EcoCash. This would not only improve convenience and security but also make it easier for authorities to track informal economic activity for planning purposes—without burdening vendors with excessive taxes.
6. Community-led Cleanliness Drives
   Vendors’ associations could take responsibility for keeping vending zones clean, with the city providing tools and waste collection services. Clean, well-maintained areas would help vendors attract more customers while reducing health risks.
7. Vendor Self-Regulation and Accountability
   Vendor self-regulation and accountability can be enhanced by strengthening vendor associations to oversee member conduct and ensure compliance with city regulations. These associations should enter into formal agreements with the city, committing to uphold cleanliness, maintain order, and promote fair trading practices. Under this framework, if a member violates agreed standards—such as littering, obstructing walkways, or harassing customers—the entire association may face penalties, including fines or temporary suspension of vending rights in that area. This collective responsibility model encourages peer monitoring and fosters a culture of discipline, professionalism, and mutual accountability among vendors.

Dialogue over Dictates
The most critical ingredient in this process is dialogue. Authorities must engage directly with vendors through their associations, listening to their challenges and co-creating solutions. Top-down policies imposed without consultation often breed resentment and resistance. A city is strongest when its policies are rooted in collaboration, not confrontation.

It is also important to change the public narrative around vending. Vendors are not obstacles to urban beauty or progress—they are part of it. Their creativity, resilience, and adaptability are exactly the traits that cities should nurture in a rapidly changing world.

An Inclusive Vision for Harare
Imagine a Harare where vending stalls are designed with colorful canopies, clear signage, and waste bins at every corner. Imagine tourists and locals alike browsing clean, vibrant vendor markets, knowing they are supporting small businesses. Picture a city where vendors contribute a modest fee to the council in exchange for safety, order, and dignity in their work.

In such a vision, the city thrives economically, socially, and culturally. The informal sector is not pushed to the margins but embraced as a legitimate partner in development. By working together, Harare could become a model for other African cities grappling with the same challenge—how to balance order with opportunity, regulation with compassion.

Conclusion
Banning vending may seem like a quick fix, but it risks igniting deeper social unrest and undermining the very economy it seeks to protect. Instead, Harare has an opportunity to lead with foresight—creating inclusive policies that transform vending from a perceived nuisance into a celebrated part of urban life.

The choice is clear: build walls, or build bridges. One isolates and inflames. The other connects and strengthens. In times like these, Harare can ill afford to choose the former. By embracing vendors as partners, the city can secure both stability and prosperity—proving that inclusive cities are not just more humane, but more successful.

Last Mazambani

Call/WhatsApp: +16132231083

Email: lastmazambani@gmail.com

Financial Miracles in ZANU (PF) ’ s 2013 Election Manifesto

Abstract

The 2013 general elections in Zimbabwe were interesting. The three political parties that had formed a government of national unity following disputed 2008 elections were each campaigning for an exclusive government. The Zimbabwe African National Unity (ZANU) Patriotic Front (PF) led by Robert Gabriel Mugabe was more pronounced in its desire to lead an exclusive government. The party’s manifesto was eloquently explicit that an exclusive ZANU (PF) led government will improve the economy through indigenization, empowerment, development and creation of employment. This monograph critically review ZANU (PF)’s 2013 election manifesto to expose inherent weaknesses. It exposes the grandstanding promises which the party may never achieve given its past performance record.  

Introduction

In most developing countries election manifestos are used to hoodwink the general public by making unattainable political-economic promises. The general public is equally to blame as it does not invest time to scrutinize the manifestos. Again in most of these countries illiteracy is still an issue that divides the countries in a bipolar. Those that are illiterate depend on the correct interpretations by the literate if ever that happens. In most cases election decisions by illiterate citizens are based on following the crowd, sentiment, historical values, unsubstantiated threats and grandstanding rhetoric statements. In countries where illiterate rates are high and form the population majority you find a disturbing and seriously risky situation where the less informed with little political-economic knowledge and vested interests decide on the political leadership of the country.

Zimbabwe African National Unity (ZANU) Patriotic Front (PF) is a political party that has delivered independence to the country in 1980 led by Robert Gabriel Mugabe. ZANU (PF) and Mugabe have remained in power for the past thirty three years. Over these years the country has gone through mixed political and economic progress. Mugabe presided over the civil strife in the early to the late 1980s, economic structural adjustment programmes of the 1990s and the freefall of the economy thereafter, the unplanned and often violent land reform of the 2000s and the indigenization of the economy starting in the late 2000s. Mugabe has only triumphed on the political front and managed to retain power but failed in all the economic programmes that he implemented.

The paper thoroughly analyses the manifesto that was proffered by ZANU PF during the 2013 elections in Zimbabwe. It exposes the weaknesses of the campaign manifesto and demonstrates how it will affect specific areas of the economy. A conclusion is then drawn from the analysis. 

Analysis of ZANU (PF) Manifesto

This section dissects the ZANU (PF)’s 2013 general election manifesto. It provides a fair view and account. It also highlights certain claims and deliverables that the study found questionable. Without analysis of this kind, it is advisable for the electorate to invest time in scrutinizing manifestos or for the civil society to help the general public interpret for decision making. ZANU (PF)’s election manifesto suffers from an idea bankruptcy and is selling voodoo based economics. The manifesto is glittered with monumental but unattainable deliverables specifically designed for lazy readers. ZANU PF does not have capacity to deliver what it promised in its 2013 manifesto. The manifesto is sprout of dysfunctional financial imagination that will cripple the stable economic environment that had been proffered by the government of national unity. An exclusive ZANU (PF) led government will derail progress in the financial markets, international relations, productivity levels and drive the entire economy to ground zero.

The 108 paged manifesto may look voluminous and intimidating yet its contents are nothing but the usual yesteryear rhetoric. In order to concur with this analysis, one needs to read the manifesto in order to gain the insight of emptiness that ZANU (PF) has evolved in recent times. Everything is manipulated, the first meaninglessness is identified in the dubious misuse of the word “unlock value” without providing the mechanics of how to unlock the value. Secondly, the party says it will generate approximately $2 trillion United States dollars within the five years of ZANU PF exclusive rule through “unlocking value” form “idle assets” in the custody of parastatals and local authorities; indigenization of foreign-owned companies as well as the extraction of mineral resources. Surely how can a party that presided over a free fall economy over thirty three years create $2 trillion United States dollars in five years? By every means, this is a clear indication of desperation for power because the height is never meant to be attained but a convenient lie to give the party the mandate to rule.

The biggest misgiving is in the realization that the biggest contributor to the US$2 trillion is the extraction of mineral reserves ($1 844 223 157 000) which minerals were there since 1980 and there is no good reason why such a life changing value was not exploited over the past 33 years to give poor people a better life under unchallenged exclusive ZANU PF rule then. The naked truth is that such extravagant grandstanding promises based on unauthenticated access to classified information could have worked in 1980 than today. If the mineral quantification is an honest figure then the electorate that is reeling in extreme poverty whilst ZANU PF was sitting on such value without unlocking it for the past 33 years should never entrust it with the management of such resources. Why did the party take the people to extreme poverty without extracting that value when it had more international friends than now? What should make the electorate feel ZANU PF will extract the minerals or make them extracted and put to good use worse off when the party has militarized the extraction of diamonds which are diverted outside country managed accounts? Reading such naked hogwash between the lines of ZANU (PF)’s peddled lies brings questions about the electorate’s ability to simulate information and act upon it. The extant deception can only be made to a peasantry electorate that never lived in the 21^st century. For a 21^st century generation, serious with its purpose and future to be deceived to such a melodramatic proportion points to a conclusion of hopelessness, surrender and inability to effectively decide.

The utmost redundancy of ZANU (PF) is eminently evident in its claim that it will unlock US$7,3 billion from indigenization of 1, 138 foreign-owned companies to capacitate perennial conduits of ZANU (PF) corruption such as Infrastructure Development Bank of Zimbabwe (IDBZ), Agribank and Small Enterprise Development Corporation (Sedco). What is more sinister however is the total failure to understand basic economics by ZANU (PF) leadership. Ownership of a company does not immediately translate into liquidity or dividend share. All Zimbabwean companies irregardless of background or ownership are struggling and illiquid because of ZANU (PF) misrule. One then wonder where the unlocked value would come from. Again looking at the macroeconomics, the valuation of $7.3 billion is hoodwinking the electorate because Zimbabwe’s gross domestic product stands at approximately US$6 billion including well performing indigenous companies which makes the valuation a fraught of mischief, a tenet of ZANU (PF)’s leadership. Their unashamed lies go further to expose ZANU (PF)’s voodoo finance that the USD7.3 billion will be spun fourfold within five years to USD$29.2 billion. What one must critically think of here is to look at the opposite side of the transaction. Who on this earth is prepared to fund a risk illiquid asset such as unlisted expropriated shares of foreign-owned companies? Let’s agree for a moment that it can happen but if those shares are to be maintained in the ownership of the indigenous Zimbabweans, who amongst Zimbabwe’s ordinary black citizenry has such amounts of money?

The party is silent on spinning the full $2 trillion for reasons that it will expose their financial insanity. What is however evidently clear is the voodoo financial promises typical of desperation. Other surprises are what ZANU (PF) terms “idle assets” with parastatals ($7 681 078 582) and local authorities ($1 357 010 326). What actually raises eyebrows is the fact that the party acknowledge idleness of the assets when parastatals and local authorities under ZANU (PF) ministers are dismally performing given such a whooping leverage to liquid assets.

Towards the end of the manifesto, ZANU (PF) bemoans the burgeoning external debt of $10 billion which is mainly blamed on the inherited $700 million from the Ian Smith government. ZANU (PF) goes to the extreme of hinting a possible default on the debt which would throw financial markets into disequilibrium and cut all external funding that is oiling the economy. The reason why the debt issue was mentioned towards the end of the document is based on treachery belief that the reader has no memory and would not be able to make logic judgement. The logical judgement is that $10 billion is a mere 0.5% nanofraction of $2 trillion that ZANU PF claims that it will create in the next five years. Given that scenario, it should be the easiest task for such a successful governing party to extinguish the loan and open more productive lines of credit. There is a mismatch in what is promised to be unlocked and the disproportionate grumbling about the external loan. So readers beware! 

Then exactly $352 672 498 would be siphoned for Mugabe’s scholarship, support of chiefs, youth initiative and agricultural input support scheme to strengthen his continued unsustainable rule. The biggest problem with the presidential allocations especially scholarships is the partisan nature of their distribution which crowd-out the deserving poor who end up at local universities which lack world standard facilities. I urge the party not to mislead the people and waylay the laymen. ZANU PF is only saying what the people want to hear without the slightest sign of shame when they know they do not have capacity to deliver the promises. 

Consequences of a ZANU (PF) Exclusive Government

ZANU (PF) is peddling a manifesto which could have oversold in 1980 rather than now. Zimbabwe remain a destitute nation because ZANU (PF) has been lethargic in the implementation of pro-poor policies as evidenced by the mediocrity development of the country, underutilization and personalization by Mugabe of natural resources, low incomes by the generality of the citizenry, total neglect of the rural folks and a total abuse of power by ZANU (PF) members of parliament and ministers. The value the party claims to unlock from mineral deposits, local authority and parastatal assets have all been at their disposal in the past 33 years. One wonder if there is any good reason to believe ZANU (PF) now than in 1980?

ZANU (PF) parochially thinks that by indigenizing a foreign owned entity they can immediately queue to receive dividends and “share gross income” (page 37). The receiving mentality and the lack of basic business acumen that gross income is never up for sharing is quite evidenced by ZANU (PF)’s cadres’ strewn business failure including underutilization of prime land that they divided amongst themselves. This is the same reason why ZANU (PF) members resort to stealing and corruption to fund their lifestyles because they are not good at business.

ZANU PF’s illiquid ideas and assets it claim to unlock will hit hard the banking sector. Without a coherent international relations strategy, a condescending attitude, continued default on external debt and a battered international image, the party will not be able to draw sufficient foreign direct investment as well as open long-term lines of credit to deepen the financial markets and fund the growth of the nation. An exclusive ZANU PF government will without doubt dry up the financial markets to inextricable troughs. When we reach that stage ZANU PF becomes a monster than a partner. They can go print the Zimdollar as promised in the manifesto or try the concoction of an outlasted gold backed currency. Without a currency and liquidity, business and households will fail to service their loans, banks will dry up as they fail to service and attract external funding leading the whole financial system to crumple in total. 

Conclusion

The monograph articulated the worst mischief in the ZANU PF manifesto. There is a deliberate intention to mislead the electorate by promising unattainable promises. The deliverables that the party has set for itself are unrealistic and undeliverable given the party’s poor past performance record. The odds are against an exclusive ZANU (PF) government because of battered international relations, lack of leadership qualities, lack of prudent management of public resources, unavailability of balance of payment support and a high propensity to corruption by the party’s leaders. The party is neither prepared to stabilize nor turnaround the economy. Devoid from reality, the party’s manifesto is illiquid hence it will cripple the economy. Governments should progressively and steadily work towards improving the overall performance of the economy by utilizing the available resources rather than expecting some outlier event to spur their performance. The electorate should critically scrutinize election manifestos to expose these baseless outlier promises. Work of this nurture is encouraged to help decipher realities and fictitious election promises. The analysis of the manifesto may also result in a balanced scorecard of the governing party’s announced deliverables which can be regularly validated during the tenure of the government for performance evaluation. Such a system creates open government, political discourse and public scrutiny of government performance.

References

ZANU (PF) 2013 Manifesto

www.sokwanele.com/system/.../zanupf_election_manifesto_130705.pdf (accessed 29 June 2013)